Ti continued to pass, and as 1872 beca the past, 1873 officially began.
For the Spanish Governnt, 1872 was a year of continuous advance. The governnt promulgated several decrees that year to continue advancing reforms across all of Spain, and the completion of the Seville Industrial Base also brought significant growth to Spain’s industry.
Combined with the results of various construction projects, this allowed Spain to begin transforming from a traditional agricultural nation into an industrial nation, and it was striving toward becoming a developed European country.
As the saying goes, a fat man is never made in one bite. Spain’s reforms and the construction of its industrial economy could not be completed in a short ti, and surpassing Britain and France—that so-called slogan—could not be achieved in the 19th century either.
For the Spanish Governnt and various levels of officials, the most important thing at present was to align with the Five-Year Developnt Plan legislation promulgated by the Spanish Governnt and effectively improve the developnt of Spain’s industry and various industry sectors, thereby effectively promoting the country’s progress.
As usual, Carlo attended the large-scale parliantary eting at year-end and listened together with many mbers of Parliant to the 1872 annual governnt work report submitted by the Spanish Cabinet Governnt to Parliant.
Speaking of which, the proposal to submit an annual governnt work report to Parliant every year ca from Pri Minister Primó. The intention was not only to explain to the mbers of Parliant what contributions and efforts the Spanish Cabinet Governnt had made that year, but also to inform the Spanish people through this opportunity that the governnt was doing real things for the country and all Spanish people, rather than doing nothing.
Precisely because of this purpose, the annual governnt work report eting each year was extrely important. Various departnts would summarize their political achievents from that year into a clear and straightforward report, so that all mbers of Parliant and the public could understand.
If a governnt departnt had nothing impressive to report at the annual work report eting, it effectively proved that the departnt’s work that year was not very satisfactory.
Because of this, various departnts attached great importance to the annual work report eting, as it truly concerned their own interests.
Do not forget that the Spanish Parliant has the power to impeach officials. Whether it is the Pri Minister of the Cabinet who forms the Cabinet Governnt or every Cabinet Minister of the Cabinet Governnt, the Spanish Parliant has the power to impeach and dismiss them.
However, the entire impeachnt process is not that easy; it requires the support of a majority of seats in Parliant to complete the impeachnt and dismissal process for officials.
According to the provisions in the Spanish Constitution, mbers of the Spanish House of Representatives have the power to impeach any official. When any mber of Parliant submits an impeachnt proposal to Parliant, it ans the entire impeachnt process officially begins.
What ultimately determines the fate of the impeachnt proposal is actually the attitude of all mbers of Parliant within Parliant. Once more than 60% of mbers of Parliant agree to the impeachnt proposal, it ans Parliant has formally dismissed the impeached official from their position.
If the number of people agreeing to impeachnt exceeds 40% but does not exceed 60% of the seats in the House of Representatives, a joint eting of the House of Representatives and the Senate will be initiated for a broader vote.
The House of Representatives and the Senate are actually Spain’s lower and upper houses, combining to form the complete Parliant.
Spain’s current parliantary system is quite complex, even extending to small parliants in various cities. mbers of Parliant elected by parliantary elections in each city form a higher-level regional council, and the regional councils elect a very small number of mbers of Parliant, ultimately forming the House of Representatives with real power.
The real voting rights of the Spanish people are only reflected in the city councils of each city; they can elect mbers of the city council, and these city council mbers have the right to be elected to higher-level parliants.
Elections at higher levels have nothing to do with the public. After all, public opinion can be controlled, and the votes of a large number of voters would increase the burden of vote counting, which is unnecessary for current Spain.
Unlike the House of Representatives, the election of the Senate has nothing to do with the public. According to the latest Spanish Constitution, the Spanish Senate is composed of those elected by the regions and colonial governnts, plus Cabinet mbers, forming the complete Senate.
If the House of Representatives has legislative power, then the greatest power of the Senate is to conduct a second review of laws passed by the House of Representatives: those that pass are formally implented, and those that do not are sent back for revision.
In general, aside from reviewing laws submitted by the House of Representatives, the Senate has no major events in other situations.
But when there are certain differences in major votes, the role of the Senate becos apparent. When the House of Representatives and the Senate hold a joint eting and vote together, the votes of these Senate mbers are still very influential.
If in an impeachnt case the number of House of Representatives mbers agreeing to impeachnt exceeds 40% but does not reach 60%, a joint eting of the House of Representatives and the Senate will be initiated for a joint vote.
At that point, if the votes exceed 50% of the total number of people, the impeachnt case can proceed; if the votes do not exceed 50% of the total number, it ans the impeachnt case ends.
Finally, if the number of agreents in the House of Representatives’ vote on the impeachnt proposal does not exceed 40%, it similarly ans the impeachnt case automatically ends and the impeachnt is void.
From this, it can be seen that although the House of Representatives has the power to supervise the governnt, actually dismissing a certain official or the entire governnt is quite difficult.
Compared to mbers of the House of Representatives, the Senate has no power to supervise the governnt. But this does not an the Senate is unimportant, after all, whether a piece of legislation can ultimately be successfully implented depends greatly on the Senate’s attitude.
Currently, the Spanish House of Representatives has the most seats, with a total of 208 seats, allocated to each region according to the proportion of population in the regions and colonies.
The Senate’s seats are relatively fixed, totaling less than Each region and colony has only one seat, basically held by the regional governor or colonial governor.
Besides that, the only ones who can enter the Senate are the Cabinet ministers and the Pri Minister, which actually ans the Senate mbers are all high-level figures in the Spanish Governnt.
After all, these officials still have so right to express opinions on whether a piece of legislation is suitable for implentation across Spain. mbers of the House of Representatives generally consider things from too narrow an angle and often overlook concerns in certain aspects of the governnt.
At such tis, the Senate’s opinions beco particularly important. Under the Senate’s guidance, the laws promulgated by the House of Representatives can be directed more toward directions suitable for Spain’s developnt, at least ensuring that the promulgated laws have a beneficial influence on Spain rather than a harmful one.
Returning to the Spanish Governnt’s 1872 annual governnt work report eting, the scene was still quite grand.
All 208 House of Representatives mbers were present, plus the Cabinet ministers and Carlo, making the eting site very lively.
Leading it was, of course, Pri Minister Primó, but his task was to set the tone for the governnt work report eting and leave so space for the ministers of various departnts to highlight their own political achievents.
For Pri Minister Primó, these rits were no longer important. As long as Pri Minister Primó was willing, he could still achieve victory in the next Cabinet parliantary election.
After all, among the 208 mbers of the House of Representatives, more than half supported him and the Progressive Party. In such a situation, unless Pri Minister Primó voluntarily withdrew, it would be hard for him to lose the House of Representatives election.
“Your Majesty the King, esteed mbers of Parliant. It is an honor to report on the Spanish Cabinet Governnt’s annual work for the entire year of 1872 here as Pri Minister of Spain.
In the whole of 1872, developnt across all sectors in Spain was very rapid. According to estimates from the Ministry of Welfare, by the end of 1872, Spain was projected to have a population of 45 million, an increase of at least 230,000 from the previous year.
Over the entire previous year, our gross national product reached 212 billion pesetas, an increase of 1% compared to the previous year.
Under the premise of growth in the overall economic scale, the governnt’s fiscal revenue also reached a new high, approximately 9 million pesetas.
However, our total fiscal expenditure still exceeded fiscal revenue, with the total fiscal expenditure for the entire year reaching 5 million pesetas, resulting in a fiscal loss of 6 million pesetas for the year.
By the end of 1872, our total railway mileage had broken through 6,900 kiloters, and it is expected to break through 7,000 kiloters of total railway mileage within three months.
From the second half of 1868 to the end of 1872, in just four years, the railway mileage we built had already exceeded the railway mileage built by the previous governnt from the second half of 1858 to the second half of 1868 over a total of ten years.
In the future, we will continue to prioritize the construction of the Spanish Railway and plan to increase Spain’s total railway mileage to at least 7,500 kiloters before February “
Pri Minister Primó’s report was only rough, but Spain’s progress in 1872 was very obvious. Almost all aspects had seen considerable developnt, and railway mileage was increasing at a speed of at least 300 kiloters per year.
Moreover, according to Pri Minister Primó, the total railway mileage would be raised to around 7,500 kiloters before February
Currently, there was only a little over a year until February 1874, yet more than 600 kiloters of railway journey needed to be built.
This was no small test for the Cabinet Governnt, but similarly, completing it would be no small political achievent.
Although the Five-Year Plan promulgated by the Spanish Governnt was after the establishnt of the Cabinet Governnt, the tiline was calculated together with the establishnt of the Cabinet Governnt.
It made sense upon thinking about it; if the Five-Year Plan could be completed, the political achievents it would bring to Cabinet mbers would be inestimable.
Such great achievents would naturally not be left to the next administration by the Cabinet Governnt; even if it was just a few months shorter, they had to ensure the Five-Year Plan was completed during their term.
Even if achievents ca a bit later after completion, the rit would not escape their palm. But if it was completed under the next governnt, the rit would have little to do with them.
The Cabinet Governnt’s ministers were not fools, which was why the Cabinet Governnt’s term was five years, and this developnt plan was also five years.
This phenonon occurred frequently in various countries, and Carlo naturally would not stop it. After all, only when the developnt plan truly concerned their own political achievents and future prospects would these officials exert every effort to promote the plan’s completion.
What needed worry instead was the situation where governnts changed frequently, and policies promulgated by one governnt were not implented by the next.
In Spanish history, the period of Amadeo’s rule and the subsequent republic period were like this. Were all the pri ministers of Spain during this ti incompetent? Probably not.
But the biggest problem was that the Spanish Governnt changed too quickly during this ti; often, each Cabinet Governnt had just promulgated laws when the next governnt ca to power.
A newly appointed Cabinet Governnt would definitely not continue the policies of the previous one, after all, even if such policies produced political achievents, the rit would have little relation to them.
So governnts even had completely opposite ideological attitudes to the previous one: so supported reform, others opposed it, so it would be strange if Spain developed during this chaotic period.
In history, Spain experienced nine governnts during Amadeo’s rule. Even excluding the earliest periods of Serrano and Primó’s rule, there were still seven Cabinet Governnts.
Amadeo’s rule over Spain lasted only two and a half years in total, and in two and a half years, it went through seven Cabinet Governnts, with the average term of each Cabinet Governnt even less than half a year.
Such frequent governnt changes dood Amadeo to being unable to rule a stable Spain.
However, this could not entirely bla Amadeo. After all, before he arrived in Spain, his greatest supporter, Pri Minister Primó, had already been assassinated.
Precisely because there was no greatest supporter, the Spanish Governnt frequently changed during Amadeo’s rule; the king had little power and naturally could not intervene in the governnt’s chaotic situation.
Carlo also fully understood the harms brought by frequent governnt changes, so he was quite cautious about governnt changes, even not planning to change the Pri Minister of Spain in the short term.
Of course, changing the Pri Minister now was impossible anyway. Unless Pri Minister Primó voluntarily withdrew from the Cabinet Pri Minister election, his victory was a matter of course.
However, considering Pri Minister Primó’s age, perhaps after the next Cabinet Governnt, Pri Minister Primó would no longer have the motivation to run.
After all, while the Pri Minister of Spain represented vast power second only to one person, it also represented considerable heavy responsibilities and obligations.
Pri Minister Primó’s goal was not to maintain Spain’s status quo, but to reform Spain into an advanced and developed European great power.
Above this goal, being Pri Minister of Spain brought more heavy burdens than the joy of possessing vast power.
After Pri Minister Primó’s brief work report, the subsequent eting featured detailed reports from the ministers of the Cabinet’s various departnts on their departnts’ work.
Carlo also listened in detail to several departnts he was more interested in, gaining a more detailed understanding of Spain’s current developnt status.
Spain’s population data was not just as simple as growing to 45 million. From the overall population growth rate, Spain’s newborn population was continuously increasing, which was good news for Spain.
At least it proved that the Spanish Governnt’s efforts had not been in vain, the public’s burdens were effectively decreasing, allowing them to have the mood, ti, and energy to have children.
Because of this, the Ministry of Welfare estimated Spain’s future population growth rate and total population scale, projecting that by early 1875, Spain’s total population could hopefully break through 18 million.
If such a good population growth rate continued, Spain even had hope of raising its total population to over 20 million before 1885 arrived.
Although such data was only an estimate based on the current population growth rate, it was absolutely good news.
After all, 1885 was still nearly 30 years away from World War I; if Spain had hope of raising its population to 20 million by 1885, it naturally also had hope of reaching nearly 30 million before World War I.
However, this was indeed just an estimate, or rather a beautiful fantasy. Whether Spain’s population growth rate could maintain such a high level was a question worth deep thought; current high population growth did not an the future would be the sa.
But considering the childbearing encouragent policy the governnt had promulgated not long ago, regardless of the ti to reach 20 million or 30 million, at least in the next few years, Spain’s population was definitely developing in a good direction.
Among the overall population data, another point worth attention was the increase in immigrant numbers. During Queen Isabella’s reign, the number of immigrants arriving in Spain each year was not large; there was even significant population outflow each year to other European countries, colonies, and those South Arican countries that were previously colonies.
In recent years, however, the scale of immigration to Spain had overall been increasing.
For the whole of 1872, Spain welcod over 20,000 immigrants, most of whom were from Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
Carlo’s identity as an Italian was still quite important, at least in the hearts of Italians. Many Italians who could not make it on the Italian mainland would also consider Spain when immigrating.
However, they were ultimately a minority; more Italians still chose to immigrate outside Europe, after all, Spain and Italy were not much different.
For these immigrants, Carlo generally maintained a welcoming attitude. First, the number of immigrants was not large and could not have too great an impact on Spain’s overall ethnic proportions.
As long as Spaniards remained the dominant ethnic group in Spain and occupied the majority of the Spanish population, it was fine; Spain did not reject other ethnic groups.
Of course, African Blacks were impossible. Currently, European Whites’ discrimination against Blacks was still quite severe, and it was rare to see Blacks choosing to immigrate to Europe.
After all, immigrating to Europe would not give them a better environnt; instead, they would face discrimination from the vast majority of Europeans.
Even so more extre white supremacists would bully or even massacre Blacks without restraint, and as long as those Whites had money and power, local governnts generally would not interfere much.
It would take Blacks a long ti to gain true human rights; at least before experiencing World War, countries around the world did not lack population—Blacks were just labor, labor whose lives did not need to be worried about.
Five thousand word two-in-one chapter, seeking support!
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