Although there are so people in the parliant who have different attitudes toward the bureaucratic evaluation reform bill, it is clearly unable to hinder its implentation at this ti.
Over fifty percent of the seats in the Spanish Parliant are held by the Progressive Party, where Pri Minister Prim belongs, and the Liberal Party, which supports the reforms, occupies nearly twenty percent of the seats.
The two together account for more than seventy percent of the parliantary seats. According to Spain’s constitution, when the approval votes exceed seventy percent, the bill can be established and begin execution.
However, Pri Minister Prim does not intend to completely offend those conservative parties. Although he has formulated an evaluation system for the existing bureaucratic system, the evaluation is undertaken by a departnt jointly composed of the parliant and the cabinet.
anwhile, the parliant has oversight over the cabinet. Cabinet mbers also have to complete so-called performance evaluations, and in cases of consistently poor evaluations, the parliant has the power to impeach all cabinet mbers, including the Pri Minister, and decide the fate of the mber based on the final cabinet eting’s result.
Doing so clearly strengthens the power of the parliant, which is why the bill ultimately passed in the parliant.
But for Pri Minister Prim, whether to strengthen the power of the cabinet governnt or parliant, in reality, makes little difference.
Pri Minister Prim firmly controls Spain’s cabinet governnt and parliant; rather than saying the parliant’s power has increased, it is more accurate to say Pri Minister Prim’s power has increased.
This bill has little impact on Spanish society, and the public even applauds it.
But for the Spanish officialdom, the promulgation of this bill is no less than a small-scale earthquake.
However, neither Carlo nor Pri Minister Prim plans to conduct a large-scale sweep of the Spanish officialdom at this ti.
This bill is actually targeting those officials who have both corrupt practices and lack any political ability. These people staying in their position will only harm the country, offering no benefits whatsoever.
Those who are clean but lack capability, or have so ability but are corrupt, actually won’t be on Pri Minister Prim’s purge list.
After all, these officials have their own value. Those who are rather clean but lack ability will also have other positions that do not test capabilities much.
And those officials who have so ability but are corrupt can also be used temporarily. To so extent, these people can beco livestock raised by the Spanish governnt, which can be slaughtered when fattened up to fill the national treasury.
There’s no fear of officials being corrupt; there’s fear of them being incompetent and only being corrupt. As long as they can do sothing for each city and region, promote local industrial or economic developnt, Carlo and Pri Minister Prim won’t pay much attention.
After all, everyone has their own little thoughts, and Carlo can’t demand that all Spanish officials are upright and honest.
As long as corruption is not too outrageous, embezzling a few thousand from a fund of a million isn’t too harmful.
But if a million fund sees embezzlent of tens of thousands, no matter how capable afterward, he will definitely be on Pri Minister Prim’s purge list.
Of course, corruption must be divided into ways and ans. Directly embezzling from Spanish governnt allocations must be firmly stopped, but if squeezing those old nobles and the Church creatively, more tolerance isn’t impossible.
Before announcing this bill, Pri Minister Prim deliberately expressed through Progressive Party mbers spreading the word to the vast majority of Spanish officials, forgiving previous corrupt behaviors.
As long as previous corruption wasn’t too exaggerated, funds embezzled under a million Pesseta, the Spanish Governnt will forgive and will not question past mistakes.
If embezzlent funds exceed a million Pesseta, it’s simple; just promptly pay back most of the stolen funds to the governnt, then removing a na from the list is doable.
In short, Pri Minister Prim’s attitude is such; this is also the mutual attitude of Carlo and Pri Minister Prim.
As long as there is so capability, a little flaw is acceptable. If having no capability and full of flaws, it’s better to give way to others sooner.
Of course, those rebels, traitors are excluded. No matter how capable rebels and traitors are, once found engaging in rebellion or betraying the country, severe treatnt follows to ensure Spanish Governnt’s stability.
The 1 million Pesseta limit is the result of Pri Minister Prim’s careful consideration. It can save most people from distress while bringing out so typical cases of severe corruption.
If these people are sensible, they can also clear their na by promptly handing over stolen funds to the governnt and avoid being purged.
It also demonstrates to other officials that the governnt indeed has no intention of clearing the past, adopting a forgiving attitude toward everyone.
But if these people are not sensible, Pri Minister Prim doesn’t mind letting them understand the strictness and cruelty of Spanish law and show them what the ultimate fate of corrupt officials is.
In fact, if discussing the impact, the primary force affected by this bill is still the old nobles.
There’s no choice, the forr Spain was too decadent, with governnt and the military almost controlled by nobility. How did these nobles acquire many properties? Wasn’t it through the noble class controlling the entire stage of Spain, trying everything to annex from Spanish farrs?
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