< World War II - Election (5) >
Within the FDP, so had suggested dropping the bomb earlier to further weaken the CDU, but the CDU were no fools.
There was no way that Konrad Adenauer would be unprepared, and could the CDU's power, which was already close to a solo run, really be broken by a single scandal?
Besides, the morning paper was more than enough to let the majority of the people know.
In an era with no internet and very few TVs, newspapers were the only ans for people to get information in the morning, and their status was incomparable to their modern counterparts.
Moreover, the Frankfurter Zeitung, already a major German daily that had played a key role in the civil war, had beco a newspaper read in almost every household in Germany.
When an article was published in the Frankfurter Zeitung, with the regular newspaper distributed at dawn on election day and an extra edition printed and spread early in the morning, the ripple effect was enormous.
If they had had just one more day, the CDU would have had ti to respond by having Halder resign and refuting my editorial.
Voters might have felt betrayed by Halder, who had portrayed himself as a patriot, but if they had ti to hear the party's explanation and think it over, they likely wouldn't have withdrawn their support.
But when the statents of Germany's most famous soldier and politician struck the entire nation through the most credible newspaper on the morning of the election, the CDU could do nothing.
By the ti the CDU urgently convened a eting for counterasures, the polls were already in full swing, and in this era, there was no way to belatedly convey any counterasures to a nation already in the process of voting.
The results of the general election were completely different from what the initial polls had predicted.
Of the 582 total seats, the CDU won 202, the FDP 177, and the Social Democratic Party 145. The CDU's sister party, the CSU, took 26 seats, and the remaining minor parties won 32.
The CDU did end up as the number one party, but it fell far short of the expected vote count, and it fell into a situation where it could not secure a majority even in a coalition with all other parties without the FDP or the SPD.
The victory was decided right there.
The CDU cannot join forces with the Social Democratic Party due to ideological and emotional issues. It would be ridiculous to compromise after denouncing each other as Nazis and Commies just the day before.
In that case, the CDU's answer is a coalition with the FDP, but from the FDP's standpoint, a coalition with the CDU would an giving the pri ministership to the CDU, which has more seats.
On the other hand, since the Social Democratic Party lost the general election anyway, they must form a coalition, even if it ans handing the pri ministership to the FDP.
In a parliantary system, the ultimate winner of an election is not the party that secures the most seats, but the party that forms a governnt by surpassing the majority of seats, either alone or in a coalition.
The mont the FDP unexpectedly surpassed the SPD in seats but missed the majority, the CDU, despite being the number one party, had lost.
-
March 12, 1941
Dietrich Schacht's mansion in Berlin, the capital of Germany
"So? You're asking for the Ministry of Economics, the Ministry of Labour, and the Ministry of Health?"
"Yes. That is the party's demand."
The general election was over, but the coalition negotiations with the Social Democratic Party were not yet finished.
Coincidentally, Claudia and I, living in the sa house, were in charge of the preliminary coordination of both sides' opinions.
I shook my head at Claudia's words.
"That's absurd. The Ministry of Economics and the Ministry of Labour ans the Social Democratic Party wants to control all of Germany's economic policy. Even if the Vice-Chancellor conventionally serves as the Minister of Economics, it's going too far."
"As expected, you're refusing."
"Of course. Even if I were to agree, the party would never approve."
Claudia said with a faint smile.
"Then which ministries is the FDP willing to offer?"
"The Ministry of Labour and the Ministry of Health. That's a given since it's directly related to the SPD's platform, and also the Ministry of Propaganda."
"The Ministry of Propaganda? That's unexpected.
I thought the FDP placed great importance on freedom of thought."
"That's true, but we have nothing else to give."
Excluding the Ministry of Labour and the Ministry of Health, what's left are the Ministry of the Interior, Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Defense, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Economics, and Ministry of Propaganda.
Under Nazi Germany, there were far more ministries, but we decided to abolish all the ones with little authority that were needlessly inflated when an agency would have sufficed.
I was to take Defense, and Kort was to take Foreign Affairs, leaving only the Ministry of the Interior, the Ministry of Justice, and the Ministry of Propaganda.
We can't just give away the Interior or Justice, can we?
"Giving you the Minister of Propaganda when you're here… I can't shake the feeling that you're just giving us the leftovers to make it look good."
Claudia said, glaring at and pricking my conscience.
But what could I do? There was really nothing else to give.
"And it's also a problem for us if the FDP takes the Ministry of the Interior, the Ministry of Justice, and the Ministry of Economics."
"Then?"
"Instead, give us the vice-minister positions for the Interior, Justice, Economics, and Propaganda ministries, and your side can take the ministers."
"Hmm."
That sounds plausible.
This way, both parties would have influence in the important ministries, and the FDP would get many ministerial posts.
"No, but that would leave us short on vice-minister positions. Can't you just take the whole Ministry of Propaganda? The Ministry of Propaganda is a headache within our party, too. If I do it, I'll be serving as Minister of Defense concurrently, and other people are declining, saying it's difficult to take on the Ministry of Propaganda while I'm around."
The opinion within the party was that since no one was more confident in propaganda than , I might as well serve concurrently.
First Adenauer, and now this. Why is everyone so eager to pile work on ?
I was already asked to be the Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs within the party, but I declined, saying it wasn't good for the Minister of Defense to ddle in diplomatic authority.
So, the Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs went to Theodor Kordt, Erich Kordt's younger brother, who had worked at the British Embassy for a long ti.
Even I thought the authority of the Vice-Chancellor of the Chancellery was excessive.
It sets a bad precedent, and I'd like to refuse such a dizzyingly busy daily routine from now on.
"We're in a difficult position for the sa reason. The vice-minister does all the practical work anyway, so you could just hold the position and handle only the important matters. And if soone from our party were to beco the Vice-Minister of Propaganda, it would be ."
"…I have always wanted to be the Minister of Propaganda."
Damn it, she's playing a card I can't beat!
At my involuntary response, Claudia smiled with satisfaction.
I put my hand on my forehead at the sight of her and said.
"I'll try to convey it that way, but if the party refuses, then it's a no-go."
"I trust you'll persuade them well."
My lovely wife, now a politician from another party, smiling so slyly.
This feels very strange.
Still…
"Congratulations, Claudia. You've finally achieved your dream."
Claudia blinked blankly for a mont, then replied with a broad smile.
"Achieved it? This is just the beginning."
Although she was a prominent mber of the Social Democratic Party under Nazi rule, she still can't escape the evaluation that she was elected thanks to her husband's halo, simply because she is a young woman.
Proving that she is a capable person worthy of the position is now up to her.
"By the way, that stunt you pulled was very impressive."
"Haha…"
"The CDU is up in arms, saying they'll and the Election Law as soon as parliant opens to prohibit campaigning right before the vote. And the Social Democratic Party agrees."
"It's not for to say since I'm the one who used it, but if there's a problem with the law, it should be changed."
Honestly, I was aware that while it wasn't legally a problem, it was a bit of a dirty trick.
Franz Halder not only faced the bitterness of electoral defeat despite having the CDU's might behind him, but he also beca the target of all sorts of criticism and hastily left Berlin.
If he had just stayed quiet, he could have had a comfortable retirent.
What kind of fa and fortune was he hoping to gain by crawling into the world of politics?
Still, I should be thankful to him for one thing.
I reached out and intertwined my fingers with Claudia's.
"Hm? What is it?"
It's all hindsight, but if I hadn't given into despair because of that fellow's crazy act, I would never have gained a companion who knows everything and understands .
"Just, because I'm grateful."
Claudia, her blue eyes reflecting my image, gave a gentle smile.
-
March 17, 1941
The capital of Germany, Berlin – The Reichstag (German Parliant Building)
An agreent was finally reached, and a coalition governnt of the FDP and the Social Democratic Party was ford, creating a new German governnt with FDP leader Theodor Heuss as Pri Minister.
Vice-Chancellor and Minister of Labour Kurt Schumacher, Minister of Defense and Minister of Propaganda Dietrich Schacht, Minister of Foreign Affairs Erich Kordt, Minister of the Interior Franz Blücher, Minister of Justice Thomas Dehler, and Minister of Health Willy Brandt.
…It would have been better if Willy Brandt had lost the election and gone to the military. What a winner in life.
The Ministry of Economics was a hot potato, as the opinions of the Social Democratic Party, which wanted to be involved even if only with a vice-minister post, and the FDP, which advocated for strict liberalism in economic policy, clashed sharply.
It was Mr.
Heuss who ca up with the solution here.
Rather than completely excluding the CDU in a warti situation just because the FDP, which had advocated for unity over division, lost the election, he suggested giving them the Ministry of Economics, which the CDU would consider most important.
The CDU, already full of dissatisfaction with the last-minute election upset, gladly accepted. Adenauer, who was directly responsible for the election defeat, passed the role to a party mber instead of taking it himself.
We had secretly thought my father, Hjalmar, would do it, but he too recomnded soone who had worked under him instead.
I shook hands with the chubby man who beca the Minister of Economics.
"A pleasure to et you. I am Dietrich Schacht, the Minister of Defense and Minister of Propaganda."
"Haha, a pleasure to et you. I am Ludwig Erhard, the new Minister of Economics."
To think I'd et the fat man who created the Miracle on the Rhine like this.
I was so busy, and my father handled the economy, so I never had a chance to et the bureaucrats. I didn't even know he was already working.
After exchanging greetings with all the gathered figures.
I looked up at the sight of the Black-Red-Gold flag fluttering over the Reichstag under the clear, sunlit sky.
After the arson incident during the Nazi seizure of power, the Reichstag had been used for propaganda to crack down on socialists and pass the Enabling Act. Left in ruins, it had been repaired by the War Cabinet, waiting for the day it would reopen.
In the original history, it remained a burnt ruin, becoming a symbol of Germany's defeat when the Soviet flag was hoisted over it during the Battle of Berlin.
Now, it will beco the symbol of a completely new, restarted Germany.
As I was watching the fluttering flag, I heard a familiar voice.
"I've learned a thing or two, Vice-Chancellor Schacht."
"Haha… Party Leader Adenauer. I am no longer Vice-Chancellor Schacht."
Konrad Adenauer blinked at my words, then let out a small chuckle and turned his gaze to Claudia, who was standing next to .
The position of Vice-Chancellor of the Chancellery, which wielded enormous power in defense, propaganda, and foreign affairs, comparable to the Chancellor in the War Cabinet, no longer exists.
I am still the Minister of Defense and Minister of Propaganda, but I no longer have official diplomatic authority, and I'll have to respect the opinion of the Pri Minister, Mr.
Heuss, even in my own fields.
'Vice-Chancellor Schacht,' once almost synonymous with the Vice-Chancellor of the Chancellery, had now beco the title for Claudia, the new Vice-Minister of Propaganda.
"I see, my apologies. Vice-Minister Schacht."
"Not at all."
As Claudia gave a bright smile, Adenauer turned his gaze back to , his eyes blazing.
"Although we suffered a futile defeat to a loophole this ti, the next election, held after revising the Election Law, will be different."
The CDU, which had beco the opposition party overnight due to an unexpected dia play, had been in an uproar.
So even called for a re-vote.
But Adenauer had conceded the results, arguing that pulling such a stunt in an election held with great difficulty during warti could cause the CDU's support to fall even further.
"Haha… I will keep that in mind, Party Leader."
I don't even know if I'll run in the next election.
"…The result is the result. Congratulations."
Adenauer said bluntly, as if spitting out the words, and walked toward Mr.
Heuss, who was preparing his speech.
Truly, a man of the Rhineland.
"Well then, 'Minister' Schacht? I'll be heading over to the Social Democratic Party's side now."
"Haha. Understood, 'Vice-Minister' Schacht."
As Claudia chuckled and walked away, a true heavyweight approached .
"Your Majesty."
As I showed my respects, Wilhelm III, accompanied by the Crown Prince, gave a casual acknowledgnt.
"I thought you were doing nothing, but that was an impressive performance, Vice-Chancellor."
"With respect, I no longer hold that title, Your Majesty."
When I corrected him, Wilhelm III was silent for a mont before speaking.
"Yes, you didn't just talk about it, you truly showed you were willing to relinquish power. Are you satisfied now?"
Satisfied.
To think of it that way, the revival of democracy was a ans for from the beginning, not the purpose.
"This is just the beginning, Your Majesty."
We are still at war, and the expectation that Germany will beco a normal nation just by reviving a single democracy is overly romantic.
If I had to put it one way, we have just now reached zero from the negatives.
"I see."
Wilhelm III looked at silently, then, surprisingly, gave a cool nod and turned his back.
What, he's leaving more easily than I thought.
As I was thinking that, the Crown Prince gave a playful, smiling look and said.
"He's like that now, but I actually had a hard ti stopping him from summoning Minister Schacht directly to ask what you were doing."
Good heavens, if the Emperor had summoned in the middle of an election, it would have been quite the piece of gossip.
"…Thank you, Your Imperial Highness the Crown Prince."
"Haha, I will continue to support you."
As I honestly bowed my head, the Crown Prince smiled, waved, and followed the Emperor.
A mont later, we, along with all the mbers of parliant and reporters, declared the formation of the first cabinet and parliant.
Mr.
Heuss, the new Pri Minister of Germany, Theodor Heuss, who had experienced the tribulations of the Weimar Republic and the parliant being eroded by the Nazis, gave a speech with a face full of emotion.
Standing here as a listener instead of on that stage giving a speech for the people feels sowhat unfamiliar.
But it is an imnsely joyful unfamiliarity.
"…We have taken a long, long road, and have finally returned to the starting point."
As Mr.
Heuss's speech neared its end, his throat was choked with emotion, and his eyes were red.
I, too, felt the sa.
"As of today, Germany has finally regained its freedom."
I harbor both anxiety and expectation.
Anxiety about letting go of the power I had beco accustod to, however abnormal—the dissolution of the War Cabinet appointed by the Emperor and the end of the exceptional post of Vice-Chancellor of the Chancellery.
"As of today, the sovereignty of Germany has been returned to the people."
And the expectation that a legitimate governnt, not one relying on abnormality, can lead Germany on the right path.
"As the proud governnt of a reborn Germany, we swear to gladly accept the responsibility to strive for a better future for Germany!"
As applause followed the end of the speech, Mr. Heuss finally shed tears.
Then, a familiar tune began to play, and everyone opened their mouths to sing.
"Deutschland, Deutschland über alles, über alles in der Welt (Germany, Germany above all, above all else in the world)"
The national anthem that beca taboo in the original history of Germany due to the atrocities of the Nazis and the country's defeat.
A song that, perhaps in this history, will be sung proudly without knowing its weight.
"Wenn es stets zu Schutz und Trutze Brüderlich zusamnhält (When for protection and defense, it always stands together brotherly.
)"
The song, which has an unnerving aspect by revealing the strong militaristic tendencies of Germany's identity, flows proudly from the mouths of Germans filled with boundless pride.
Those persecuted under the Nazis and the Jewish people were released and received their own relief asures, but all the pain and scars they endured will remain forever.
The war is still ongoing, and without the lesson of ruin brought by Nazi Germany, we might repeat the sa mistakes.
The anthem continued, and this ti, a slightly awkward song flowed due to the changed lyrics.
"Von der Rheinland bis an die l, Von der Tirol bis an der Flensburg (From the Rhineland to the l, From Tyrol to Flensburg)"
The original lyrics were from the Maas to the l, from the Etsch to the Belt.
The Maas, which ultimately remained French territory; the Etsch, which remained Italian territory; and the Belt, which could be misunderstood as claiming Danish territory.
The lyrics, revised to reflect the current territory of Germany, rang out.
Although we managed to reach an agreent to revise the lyrics to reduce the misunderstanding that we would continue to covet the territory of other countries, we ultimately failed to completely solve the problem of nationalism.
Germany has regained most of the territory it lost through the Treaty of Versailles, but that is, ironically, the result of the war caused by the Nazi regi and their responsibility.
l itself was plundered from Lithuania through Nazi pressure.
The discord that will arise from that contradiction will be a long-standing problem for Germany.
The chorus followed.
"Deutschland, Deutschland über alles, über alles in der Welt-"
This very anthem is the most dramatic symbol of the pride and anxiety that Germany embraces.
Just because it's a new Germany doesn't an it's just and without any problems.
This is, after that long journey, the place we have only just managed to reach.
"Deutschland, Deutschland über alles, über alles in der Welt-"
This is not the goal.
It is the starting point of a different path, one we might have been able to take.
It is rely a point where we can choose whether to fall back into a dark path or to advance toward a better future.
We will just do our best to find a better path, as we have always done.
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