Potemkin tore off the warm towel covering his head, imdiately erupting into a fit of violent coughing.
Stricken with a severe fever in Iași, he had largely stopped personally handling state affairs. Yet now, he forced himself to the desk, his trembling hand reaching for a quill.
As Russia's de facto pri minister and defense minister, Potemkin imdiately discerned Stanisław II Augustus's intentions.
For the past two years, Poland had been consolidating its national structure, gradually smoothing out previous ethnic and political divisions. A few months earlier, it enacted a constitution, further strengthening its power.
If Poland were allowed to continue this trajectory, within five years, it would beco a formidable obstacle for Russia.
Half a year earlier, Potemkin had begun assembling forces to prepare for war against Poland.
Now, the Polish king was encouraging the tsar to wage war against the Ottomans, even offering Polish troops for support.
If the tsar agreed, Russia's military focus would shift to the Balkans for a prolonged period. anwhile, Poland, as an "ally" fighting alongside Russia, would make it much harder for Russia to find a pretext for future aggression.
This would seriously disrupt Russia's strategic plans.
Of course, Potemkin knew that Stanisław II Augustus lacked the political acun to devise such a sche. The entire ploy had been fabricated by Zubov, who was well-versed in Russia's strategic designs.
On a personal level, Potemkin harbored a strong dislike for Stanisław II Augustus.
Although he had long since ceased "serving" Catherine the Great in her chambers, he remained her chief consort in all but na. Every one of the tsar's lovers had to receive his approval before they could officially "join the court."
For a Polish upstart who was originally just a court entertainer to bypass his authority and ascend to Catherine's bed—this was a direct challenge to his power and needed swift retribution.
More than an hour later, Potemkin painstakingly finished writing two letters and handed them to his confidant, Popov, along with detailed instructions.
The first letter was addressed to Zubov, instructing him to arrange for a young woman to seduce Stanisław II Augustus. The plan was to stage a scene where Catherine would catch the two in an intimate mont. Even if the Polish king didn't fall for the trap, the woman could simply kiss him at the opportune mont and claim mutual affection. With Potemkin and Zubov's control over the Winter Palace, it would be easy to get witnesses to corroborate the story.
The second letter was for General Mikhail Kakhovsky, ordering him to expedite preparations for an invasion of Poland, with a hard deadline set for the end of the year.
Once Popov departed, Potemkin was wracked with another violent coughing fit, spraying blood that stained half the bedsheet a deep crimson.
His attendants rushed to support him, but they found that he had already slipped into unconsciousness.
Eastern Poland, Targowica.
Franciszek Branicki, Stanisław Szczęsny Potocki, and over a dozen Polish conservative nobles filed out of Count Potocki's estate, each wearing a grave expression.
During the eting, they unanimously decided to secretly mobilize loyal troops and formally petition Russia for intervention in Poland's affairs.
If not for Joseph's foresight, the Poles would never have anticipated that the greatest betrayal of their country would not co from Polish Slavs but from the very Polish and Lithuanian nobility, who boasted pure bloodlines and ancient family legacies.
From the mont Poland's constitution was enacted, the nobles had harbored resentnt.
The new constitution stripped them of their liberum veto and criminalized political bribery. Previously, bribery had been openly practiced, with Russians or Prussians often spending tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, of zlotys to buy votes.
But with the constitution in place, that lucrative source of inco was gone forever.
In the months that followed, the Polish parliant abolished privileges such as the nobles' right to execute serfs, recruit private armies, and levy taxes on trade within their estates, citing violations of the principle of "harmlessness."
Outraged, the conservative noble families, led by Potocki, decided to turn to Russia to abolish the constitution.
Thus was born the infamous Targowica Confederation, a traitorous organization in Polish history.
However, following Joseph's advice, Prince Poniatowski had removed the most radical provisions from the constitution, such as the complete abolition of serfdom and the imposition of a noble tithe for military expansion. As a result, the formation of the Targowica Confederation was delayed by more than six months, giving Poland invaluable ti to prepare.
Back at ho, Branicki imdiately convened his family mbers to plan for the rebellion.
But as they began recalling forr private cavalry and contacting allied local militias, the Committee of Liberty and Security swiftly arrested six core mbers of the Branicki family.
After more than a year of surveillance, the Polish intelligence agency had compiled overwhelming evidence. Within a week, all six were charged by the Polish prosecutor's office with "conspiracy to incite rebellion."
Simultaneously, other mbers of the Targowica Confederation, including the Potocki, Ankwicz, Zabiello, and Masalski families, were purged by the intelligence service.
The Polish Supre Court was inundated with over 70 indictnts, prompting a frenzy of activity akin to ants scrambling before a storm.
Of course, so mbers of the Confederation acted with extre caution, eluding the intelligence agency's grasp for actionable evidence.
For example, several mbers of the Reytan family holed up in their northern Ukrainian estates while attempting to contact Russia.
Half a month later, three fanatical Bar Confederation loyalists infiltrated the Reytan estate, assassinating every mber of the family before taking poison themselves.
With this, one of Poland's greatest internal threats—the Targowica Confederation—was effectively dismantled.
However, one morning, two mbers of the Potocki family were ambushed and abducted by ard n while being transferred from a Warsaw prison to the Supre Court for trial.
Western Warsaw, British Embassy.
Inside the embassy, Stanisław Potocki sat pale-faced before British Ambassador Daniel Jessen, bowing deeply with lingering fear.
"Thank you for your assistance. The Potocki family will forever rember your kindness."
Jessen handed tea to Potocki and his son, his expression one of righteous indignation.
"I could not stand idly by while such political persecution unfolded. Your family has inherited unparalleled glory; to see you falsely accused by base-born individuals is an affront to justice."
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