I am the Hidden Power Behind the British Empire Chapter 89 89: Breaking the Cartel

When people think about the term of a mber of parliant, they usually assu it is guaranteed—four years, maybe five.

That was certainly true in the modern era.

But surprisingly, that assumption did not apply at all in this period.

mbers of the House of Lords served for life, unless sothing extraordinary occurred.

mbers of the House of Commons technically had seven-year terms.

Yet in practice, almost no one actually served the full seven years.

Parliant was dissolved and elections were called so frequently that completing the full term was actually the exception rather than the rule.

Of course, when the political climate was stable—as it was now—the likelihood of a no-confidence vote or parliantary dissolution was fairly low.

The ruling Conservative Party was stronger than ever, and the cabinet led by Robert Peel was widely regarded as competent and effective.

Most importantly—

I had forced Qing China to its knees and secured enormous gains for Britain.

The ruling party and the cabinet were aggressively promoting that success to maintain their popularity.

Headlines appeared daily.

France watches nervously, Russia trembles.

The golden age of the British Empire — The Peel governnt secures both economic prosperity and expansion.

The key to the future is Asia. Whoever controls Asia leads the world.

anwhile the Whigs could do nothing but watch helplessly as the gap in public support widened.

What would happen if elections were held under these circumstances?

The Conservatives would win in a landslide.

The Whigs would be lucky to secure even two hundred seats.

Ironically, that outco might actually be inconvenient for .

Fortunately, the next election was still so ti away.

Until then, I needed to focus on strengthening my own position.

Which ant properly rewarding the people who had worked hard while I was away.

Charles Wellesley and Benjamin Disraeli deserved plenty of praise.

Politically speaking, the two of them were practically extensions of myself.

If I wanted their continued loyalty, I needed to make sure they shared both the glory and the benefits.

"Is it true you went to Buckingham Palace two days in a row?" Charles Wellesley asked casually.

"The day before yesterday was for the ball. Yesterday was for official discussions."

"Hm. Is that so? I thought perhaps you were finally about to beco a mber of the royal family."

Charles Wellesley grinned, speaking in a tone that could have been either a joke or half-serious.

Either way, it was a useful opportunity.

Understanding how people perceived the situation was important.

"Have there been rumors circulating?" I asked.

"Rumors? About you and Her Majesty?"

"Yes. If the gossip spreads too far, it would be disrespectful to the Queen."

Among the general public, there were no such rumors yet.

But the aristocracy operated under different rules.

It was worth confirming.

Charles Wellesley thought for a mont before shaking his head.

"No one seems to be discussing it seriously. Though honestly, I doubt there's anyone in London who doesn't know the Queen treats you rather favorably."

Benjamin Disraeli, who had been listening quietly, nodded.

"Her Majesty will eventually need to produce an heir. People see you more as… her trusted confidant."

Charles Wellesley chuckled.

"Now that I think about it, it's quite funny. If I were in your position, the rumors would have spread across London already. Sothing like 'romantic tension between Her Majesty and the Duke of Wellington's younger son.'"

"But Killian now holds a position comparable to yours, doesn't he?" Benjamin Disraeli said.

"Well, perhaps—if the rumors about his Eastern royal blood turn out to be true. Killian, is that story real? Honestly, every noblewoman I et asks about it. Since they all think I'm closest to you, they keep interrogating ."

So that was it.

The aristocracy still believed I was fundantally unqualified to be linked romantically with Queen Victoria.

No matter my accomplishnts, I was still considered soone who did not belong on that stage.

As Charles Wellesley said, if I had been the Duke of Wellington's son, rumors would already be everywhere.

Or perhaps Victoria would have dragged in before I could escape.

Emotionally, the attitude was slightly insulting.

But objectively, it was actually advantageous.

"He's not good enough yet."

That assumption ant they were underestimating .

"I honestly have no idea whether I have royal blood," I said lightly. "If Korea or Japan decides to dig through their genealogies and present with proof, then perhaps we'll know."

In truth, if either country decided to adopt into a royal lineage, I would suddenly beco royalty.

If not, nothing would change.

But Charles Wellesley interpreted my answer differently and nodded thoughtfully.

"So the investigation is still ongoing. That makes sense. I heard they would have to trace records back three hundred years. That kind of thing takes ti. If anyone asks again, I'll just say the matter is still under investigation."

"Please do."

I clapped my hands lightly.

"Now that we've settled the rumors about , we should discuss future plans. The reason I visited Buckingham yesterday was this report."

I handed them the docunt Jas had prepared.

Both of them reacted imdiately.

"A potato blight? If this spreads, it could destroy entire harvests—and it's extrely contagious?"

"If the infection rate is that high," Benjamin Disraeli added, "it can't be contained. Unless every ship from the Aricas is blocked completely, the disease will eventually reach Europe."

"Exactly," I said. "And in places like Ireland, where people depend heavily on potatoes, the mont the blight arrives, the situation will beco hellish. That's why we must prepare now."

"Prepare…" Benjamin Disraeli muttered. "But is that realistically possible? Any large-scale effort in Ireland would require the governnt and Parliant to act together."

Of course.

Benjamin was being polite, but the implication was obvious.

Why would Parliant mobilize its resources to save Ireland?

To many in London, the deaths of Irish peasants were hardly a national priority.

One million people might starve.

Another million might flee the country.

Would Britain really allow sothing that inhumane to happen?

Incredibly—

Yes.

Because Britain's indifference toward Ireland would combine neatly with the fashionable theory of Thomas Malthus.

"So you an," I said calmly, "so people will argue that if Ireland's population declines due to famine, it will actually prevent the so-called Malthusian Trap."

"…No one would say it that directly," Benjamin Disraeli admitted.

"But plenty of mbers of Parliant will think it."

Charles Wellesley nodded.

"And if governnt funds are spent on Ireland, they'll lose votes among English supporters. That will make them hesitate."

Naturally, Malthus himself had never advocated ignoring famine or disease.

But when had politicians ever bothered to interpret theory honestly?

They simply used whatever parts suited their interests.

Charles Wellesley leaned back in his chair.

"But Killian, Ireland isn't irrelevant to the Conservatives. It's one of our important bases of support. If we push this properly, influencing the Commons shouldn't be difficult."

"I agree," I said. "Daniel O'Connell is in the Commons as well. Building public opinion won't be difficult. Even mainland sentint can be guided through the press."

In the original tiline, Britain's weak response to the Irish famine was not accidental.

The political elite had deliberately shaped the situation.

When Victoria visited Ireland to see the famine firsthand, Parliant carefully arranged her itinerary so she only visited wealthy northern areas that had not been severely affected.

Naturally, she concluded:

"It doesn't seem that bad."

And gradually lost interest in the issue.

How do you think the Irish people felt when they heard that?

It was hardly surprising that resentnt toward Britain grew.

In this era, information moved slowly.

Without newspapers or direct witnesses, people might not know what was happening even in the next county.

But if the catastrophe and its consequences for the British Empire were explained properly, public opinion could be shaped.

The real question was the dia.

Because newspapers were controlled by aristocrats and capitalists.

"Fortunately," I said, "Her Majesty has agreed to support this effort. Charles, Benjamin—I'll leave the Commons to you. But the House of Lords will likely obstruct us. I'll handle that myself."

"You think the old n in the Lords will listen to you?" Charles Wellesley asked skeptically. "If my father intervened it might help, but he's lost interest in politics lately."

"They probably won't listen easily," I admitted. "But we must try. This isn't just about Ireland. It's also the perfect mont for to reclaim the political support in Ireland currently held by O'Connell—and strengthen the unity of the British Empire."

Charles Wellesley's eyes lit up.

"Ah, I see. If Britain helps Ireland in its darkest hour, the Irish might finally accept themselves as part of the Empire."

"Not just Ireland," I said quietly. "I'm also thinking about Canada."

Colonial rule maintained purely through force never lasted.

History had already proven that.

But if Ireland remained loyal—and Canada followed the sa path—

The Empire could endure far longer.

Especially if Canada industrialized early and expanded westward.

Population was Canada's biggest weakness.

But the famine would provide… an opportunity.

"Simply planting alternative crops or importing grain won't prevent the famine completely," I continued. "So people will have to emigrate."

"To Canada?" Charles Wellesley asked.

"Exactly. Canada desperately needs settlers for farmland and resource extraction around the Great Lakes. I already had the relevant legislation revised several years ago. All we need now is a structured migration program."

Charles Wellesley blinked.

"…You revised those laws years ago? But we only learned about the famine recently. Don't tell you predicted this and sent Jas to the Aricas?"

Sharp man.

But even if I told him the truth, he wouldn't believe it.

"Oh, nothing that dramatic," I said casually. "I simply believed the New World was the future and invested early."

Charles Wellesley laughed.

"Well, that sounds like you. In that case, you have my full support."

I nodded confidently.

"Once this plan succeeds, within ten years Ireland and Canada will both beco our political strongholds."

In the original tiline, many Irish emigrants went to the United States.

So even attacked British Canada during the Arican Civil War.

That kind of population loss could not be allowed.

And if Irish immigrants beca the dominant community in Canada…

Which British politician do you think they would admire the most?

The answer was obvious.

House of Lords

mbers of the House of Lords were required to be at least twenty-one years old before they could actively participate in debates or votes.

In 1840, I was still only twenty.

Technically, I had no voting rights.

But as a cabinet minister, I was permitted to speak in both the Commons and the Lords.

At the Pri Minister's request, I appeared before the House of Lords for the first ti.

More than two hundred aristocrats filled the chamber.

My debut should have been historic.

Instead, most of the older peers looked distinctly displeased.

Their expressions said it clearly:

"The world has gone mad if a twenty-year-old boy stands here."

So even showed open hostility.

Which was actually convenient.

Enemies who revealed themselves early were easier to handle.

"Minister," one peer began, "you stand before us today to testify regarding this… unfamiliar issue of potato blight. Is that correct?"

"Yes."

"The report has been read by most mbers here. But given its shocking claims, we must confirm its reliability. Can its contents be trusted?"

"Absolutely," I replied calmly. "The research was commissioned personally by . It includes testimony from scholars and experienced farrs. I even considered bringing infected samples, but that would risk spreading the disease."

"Understandable," the peer said. "Such a contagious pathogen could spread across Europe."

Then a Whig mber interrupted.

"But Minister, weren't you in China until recently? When exactly did you have ti to prepare such a report? Are you exaggerating this threat to maintain your warti popularity?"

"Outrageous!" another mber shouted. "How dare you question the patriotism of a minister who serves the nation!"

"And how dare you silence legitimate concerns!"

Ah.

Parliant.

So things never changed.

And frankly, the chaos made feel strangely comfortable.

"I instructed the report to be prepared before leaving for China," I explained calmly. "As many of you know, I have long taken interest in Ireland. Its agricultural dependence on a single crop—potatoes—is extrely dangerous."

"So you heard rumors about this disease and sent investigators to the Aricas before departing?"

"Exactly. This report is not sothing I wrote hastily after returning from China. It is the result of nearly two years of research."

"If your predictions prove correct," one peer said cautiously, "the consequences could be severe. But publicly announcing such information could cause panic in Ireland."

"I agree," I said. "Public disclosure would be unwise. But preparations must be made. Millions of lives may depend on it."

The Lords exchanged uneasy glances.

No one wanted to oppose sothing frad so bluntly as a matter of life and death.

But neither were they eager to accept the proposals of a twenty-year-old newcor.

Finally, one hostile peer spoke up.

"Minister, the war with China ended only recently. Indemnities have not yet been fully paid. Our rchants still require compensation for losses. Should we truly prioritize a hypothetical potato disease?"

"By 'rchants,'" I asked calmly, "do you an those who lost fortunes selling goods China had explicitly forbidden?"

"They are still British rchants! The Chinese burned their property!"

"I see," I said mildly. "Then perhaps we should discuss that matter today as well."

Ah yes.

The opium rchants.

n like William Jardine and Jas Matheson had already given what I needed.

Evidence.

Evidence that would silence their political allies.

I distributed several docunts across the chamber.

"Well then, gentlen," I said quietly.

"Let us see whether you still wish to defend those rchants after reading this."