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Now reading: Chapter 811: Death of the Monroe Doctrine from Re: Blood and Iron, a Action novel by Zentmeister.

The eting in xico City began without the United States. That fact alone weighed heavier than any opening statent could have.

The hall had been prepared for an Arican delegation that never arrived. A placard bearing the stars and stripes remained set at the central table, untouched, its chair conspicuously empty.

No apology had been delivered. No explanation offered beyond vague assurances that "dostic circumstances" made attendance impossible.

No one in the room believed that.

Delegations from across the Aricas and the remnants of the Allied Powers gathered instead, seated in uneven clusters rather than formal ranks.

So arrived flanked by military officers. Others ca with economists, or legal advisers, or no aides at all. The war had begun to strip nations down to what they truly valued.

xico hosted, but did not preside.

There was no presiding authority.

The absence of Washington had dissolved that role entirely.

For several minutes after the doors closed, no one spoke.

It was the Canadian representative who finally broke the silence.

"So," he said, folding his hands atop the table, "we are here to discuss a war being fought in Arica’s na... without Arica."

A ripple of discomfort passed through the room.

The Brazilian envoy shifted in his chair. The Chilean delegation exchanged glances. Argentina’s representative stared at the empty seat marked United States of Arica with open contempt.

"This was inevitable," the Peruvian foreign minister said quietly. "An empire does not fracture politely."

"Careful," snapped the Bolivian representative. "The United States is still our ally."

"Is it?" the Colombian envoy asked. "Because allies attend etings."

That earned a few grim nods.

A Cuban diplomat leaned forward, his voice sharp with exhaustion.

"We have lost shipping lanes. We have lost bases. We have lost credibility. And now we are told that the nation which dragged half of us into this war cannot spare a delegation?"

The representative from Bolivia bristled.

"Washington is fighting its own battle," he said. "Internal unrest, civil disorder..."

"...civil war," Argentina interrupted flatly. "Let’s stop pretending otherwise."

That word settled like ash.

Several nations present had been watching the Arican situation closely. Reports filtered south daily: strikes turning violent, state governnts defying federal authority, ard militias clashing with Federal units.

The image of Arican stability that had once underpinned hemispheric order was gone.

"We are not here to mock them," Canada said evenly. "We are here because their weakness places the rest of us in danger."

A xican official cleared his throat.

"xico agreed to host this gathering," he said, "because the balance of power in the Aricas has changed. Pretending otherwise serves no one."

Maps were spread across the table.

Not plans for victory, assessnts of loss.

Red lines marked shipping routes no longer safe. Crosses denoted bases abandoned or destroyed. Guam was circled heavily in black ink. Cuba glared from the page like an accusation.

"The Germans took Guam in six hours," the Brazilian envoy said, voice tight. "Six. Hours."

"And did not advance further," the Bolivian officer added. "Which is precisely what makes it worse."

Several heads turned.

"They didn’t need to," he continued. "They demonstrated reach, restraint, and most of all control. The Pacific is no longer a buffer. It’s a corridor."

The Argentine delegate scoffed.

"And Arica can’t even pretend to defend it."

That remark drew murmurs, so angry, so resigned.

"We must be pragmatic," Chile said. "The Central Powers are unified. Their command structure is intact. Their political leadership speaks with one voice."

He gestured around the room.

"We do not."

Silence followed.

One of the smaller Central Arican nations finally spoke, its representative visibly nervous.

"If the United States collapses internally," he asked, "what becos of the Monroe Doctrine?"

No one answered at first.

Because the truth was uncomfortable.

The Monroe Doctrine had always been enforced by Arican power, Not law, nor consensus, but power. And that power was fading.

"It becos irrelevant," The Cuban diplomat said at last. "Just like every other guarantee that depends on strength no longer possessed."

The Bolivian representative slamd his palm against the table.

"We cannot simply abandon the war," he said. "Too much has been spent. Too much blood."

"Sunk cost," Brazil replied sharply. "We are not accountants, we are statesn. The question is not what we’ve lost; it is what we are prepared to lose next."

Argentina leaned back.

"And for what?" he asked. "To prop up an ally who won’t even send an ambassador?"

That landed harder than intended.

Several delegations began speaking at once.

So argued for pressing on, that the Central Powers would eventually overextend, that Germany’s reach would provoke resistance, that Arica might yet stabilize.

Others spoke of quiet disengagent, of bilateral ceasefires. Of territorial guarantees in exchange for neutrality.

A few said the word no one had yet formalized.

Peace, not victory, not defeat, but peace.

xico listened, while Canada weighed every word carefully. anwhile Cuba argued for continental security over transatlantic loyalty.

And Bolivia stood increasingly alone, trapped by aggressive commitnts it could no longer sustain without Arican industry.

But hovering over it all was the unspoken reality: The United States was no longer the center of gravity in the western hemisphere.

"If Washington seeks peace," Colombia said cautiously, "they will do so without consulting us."

"And if they don’t?" asked Peru.

Brazil exhaled slowly.

"Then they will drag us down with them."

The room grew quiet again, not because consensus had been reached. But because everyone understood what had just been said.

This eting was no longer about strategy. Rather it was about survival.

When the conference adjourned hours later, no declaration was issued. Nor was a unified position announced.

Only quiet agreents, private channels opened, and contingency plans drafted in the margins of maps.

The Arican chair remained empty to the end.

And as the delegations departed into the warm night of xico City, one truth lingered unspoken but undeniable:

The Allied Powers were no longer waiting for Washington to lead. They were waiting to see how hard it would fall, and how quickly they could step aside when it did.

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