"But I’m not as willing." Disraeli abruptly interjected, grumbling while clumsily mounting his horse, "Next ti I co, I must first request a hunting ground road safety report from the local Magistrates’ Court."
Disraeli’s barbed complaint made Viscount lbourne chuckle: "If you really manage that, I should write to His Majesty the King suggesting you be made a Magistrate."
Disraeli did not seem to take Viscount lbourne’s words as sarcasm. As soon as he was steady on his horse, he replied, "Thank you, Your Excellency, but I will not be a Magistrate. My ambition lies above the Cabinet."
With that, Disraeli and Arthur turned their horses and galloped away at full speed.
Palrston watched their departing figures and couldn’t help but frown and spit: "Arrogant Jew! Indeed, parliantary reform has its many rits, but one of its downsides is making the Lower House more and more like a magazine club now."
lbourne remarked, "Arrogant? Perhaps, but three years ago he was even more arrogant. Back then, he wasn’t even an MP, yet he dared to tell in Downing Street that he was going to end up in No. 10. As for now, at least he’s already the Vice Minister of State at the Foreign Office. Compared to three years ago, if he says now he’ll beco Pri Minister, I’d say the lad has beco much more modest."
However, even though lbourne spoke thus, he was well aware that Palrston harbored extre dislike for Disraeli, to an extent not much less than his dislike for Arthur Hastings.
Because Palrston’s conflicts with Arthur mostly occurred in private settings, like private conversations at the Foreign Office or rebukes and rebuttals in correspondence.
But in the open, in the newspapers, they at least did not publicly criticize each other.
Disraeli, however, was different. This Jewish lad not only publicly opposed Palrston during his reports to the Lower House, accusing "Palrston’s diplomacy of being fireworks diplomacy, a ga of lighting and stopping, while Palrston himself is a circus perforr feigning adventure to cater to public opinion."
He even went as far as writing Palrston into his novel "Coningsby," using the creation of novel characters to satirize Palrston’s "pseudo-Whiggism" and "gentlemanly reaction."
Although Palrston, adhering to the style of an old-school Politician, believed that engaging with a youngster like Disraeli would dean his own stature, and therefore never directly responded to Disraeli’s attacks, it’s needless to say, in his heart, he surely loathed Disraeli.
Viscount lbourne’s tone showed neither praise nor criticism, he rely remarked blandly, "He’s quite an expressive young man."
Palrston focused intently: "Expressive? You an noisy?"
Viscount lbourne chuckled: "I didn’t expect that upon seeing Disraeli, you could even set aside your grudge with Arthur Hastings."
"William, that’s different," Palrston emphasized, "That lad Hastings is open to reason, and disliking soone doesn’t an total denial of them. Even if I don’t like him, I must concede that under the right conditions, Hastings is a usable person, even a useful one. But Disraeli? Absolutely impossible!"
Viscount lbourne heard Palrston’s answer, which also alleviated his concerns.
In truth, as early as when Arthur returned from Russia to London, he had the notion of reactivating this forr legend of Scotland Yard.
It’s just that, first, at the ti, his most important political ally, Palrston, was at odds with Arthur.
Secondly, at that ti, Arthur indeed seed too close to the Radical Liberal Party.
Compared to other Whig Party mbers, Viscount lbourne was quite an anomaly and from a political viewpoint, he should have joined the Tory Party.
lbourne’s choice to join the Whig Party was mostly due to family tradition, arranged by his mother, Lady lbourne.
Apart from Viscount lbourne, it would be hard to find a Whig Party Pri Minister who wouldn’t prioritize national reforms.
He never harbored any expectations to create a dynamic, better nation, nor any desire to legislate for it.
Perhaps, to most, he seed just an old-school gentleman harmless to both n and animals, with nothing more distinctive about him than the occasional frivolity and fondness for napping.
But in reality? Not one of those Whig Party figures perceived by the public to be tougher and more capable could shake his leadership position within the party.
His political maneuvering was often underestimated, but no matter the circumstances, stagnation was Viscount lbourne’s favorite stance in political views.
His personal political maxim attested to this; in the Ho Office, the phrase most frequently heard from Viscount lbourne’s mouth was—why can’t it be put on hold?
What’s all the more ironic were his private words to Bishop Whately.
According to Bishop Whately, Viscount lbourne personally told him that if it were him in power last year, he would have certainly ignored the total abolition of slavery.
And this was the main reason why, after the Earl Grey stepped down at the beginning of the year, King William IV decided to appoint Viscount lbourne as Pri Minister.
Given lbourne’s character and political views, he naturally viewed Arthur from a perspective different from Palrston’s.
After all, in lbourne’s view, without deploying troops or allowing the Tory Party to seize any opportunity for advantage, Arthur Hastings, this legendary figure of Scotland Yard, might be the only solution to ensure that discontented workers and the unemployed stay within bounds.
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