Baron Stockma heard this, and the stern Belgian baron finally showed a heartfelt smile: "Then you must have witnessed the conduct of those students from Jena. Their Latin might be more familiar than the school motto, but once at the dining table, whether it’s the king or the principal, they dare curse a few tis. The German Radicals are mainly concentrated in the universities, just like in London."
Arthur didn’t understand why Stockma ended with that sentence.
However, linking it to Stockma’s emphasis on University of London and Jeremy Bentham earlier, it seed this guy considered him a radical too?
In fact, in so ways, Arthur’s ideology is quite compatible with the Belgian Kingdom under Leopold’s rule.
In terms of thought, although Leopold was born from a German small state, his ideas were much more enlightened than any German, recognizing the British-style constitutional monarchy. However, at the sa ti, he retained a strong German tradition, wanting to be a monarch with considerable power, an inflexible and ticulous king.
Normally, these two ideologies are very contradictory, but Leopold combined them well in Belgium. Belgium’s 1831 Constitution is the most liberal constitution in Europe. Leopold provides order and prestige for Belgium, while the Belgian Parliant provides public opinion and legitimacy for Leopold. Neither restrains the other; rather, both are indispensable to each other.
Belgium has five neighboring countries, three denominations, two languages, Liberals and Conservatives, Catholics and Secularists, Flemings and Walloons, old nobility and new bourgeoisie, yet Leopold manages this motley country quite well.
During the fifteen years he lived in Britain, not a day was wasted, absorbing all the advantages of British compromise politics, without leaving aside the fine traditions of German strongman politics.
If we were to rank the current European monarchs, this Belgian founding monarch would definitely be in the top three, even having the chance to take the top spot.
Arthur did not imdiately respond to Stockma’s "just like London."
He simply smiled slightly, slowly rotating the cane with the silver eagle head in his fingers, as if pondering, or trying to cover so slight displeasure.
He spoke slowly, "You are indeed right, Your Excellency, the University of London does hide quite a few enthusiasts. So lads can’t wait to dismantle the House of Commons for firewood, while others think that by toppling Westminster Abbey, society could be rebuilt as perfectly as a Greek temple. However, not everyone talking about freedom in the tavern is looking to set fires on the street."
Stockma lightly raised his eyebrows, looking at Arthur again.
He followed Leopold away from London in 1831, by which ti Arthur was already becoming famous in Britain, though everyone then praised him as the finest officer of Great Britain.
But four years have passed, and this once almost flawless figure is now increasingly controversial.
Logically, after receiving radical education at University of London, and then working at the Conservative stronghold Scotland Yard, his political inclination should be sowhere in between.
But who would have thought?
In fact, the Whig Party, which lies between the Radical and Conservative parties, does not like this young Lord.
During these days in London, Stockma has already attended several Whig Party banquets.
However, whether it was Viscount Palrston or Viscount Duncannon, their evaluations of Arthur Hastings were mostly negative when ntioning his na.
Palrston even subtly questioned his moral integrity, while Viscount Duncannon emphasized this person’s difficulty in collaboration, just like his teacher, Lord Brougham.
Pri Minister Viscount lbourne’s evaluation of Arthur was relatively fair, directly stating: "One of the most intelligent people I have t, possessing great judgnt and initiative, but lacking in caution."
Whig Party’s Lord John Russell had a good impression of Arthur, but considering he has now replaced Lord Brougham as the leader of the Whig Radical faction, and he is also the new Ho Secretary, reasonably, Russell could not have too negative an opinion of Arthur.
Because, although Arthur casually appeared humble and courteous, it was clear to the sharp-eyed that just his positions as Dean of Academic Affairs at the University of London and the legendary figure at Scotland Yard were enough to demonstrate his influence in London’s political scene.
And if Lord John Russell wants to smoothly take over Lord Brougham’s Radical supporters within the Whig Party and win respect at the Ho Office, he must treat Sir Arthur Hastings cautiously.
Russell’s respectful attitude naturally elevates Arthur’s status, even Palrston’s and Duncannon’s hostility makes Stockma look up to Arthur unconsciously. A naless figure wouldn’t be worth their concern.
Stockma was pondering what kind of attitude to adopt in expressing closeness to Arthur, but he didn’t expect Arthur to proactively strike before he spoke.
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