He forced a smile that looked worse than crying: "You're right, Thomas, there's no need to call. It won't help. They will politely ask my secretary to leave a ssage, and then throw it into the wastebasket. Or worse, have so aide reply with a 'ssage received, will convey to relevant parties'."
Thomas remained silent, unsure of what to say.
Comfort? This position doesn't need comfort. Advice? Any advice seems ridiculously pale in the face of reality.
"Capital has to make money, Thomas."
Wilks murmured, his gaze vacant, "The Military Industrial Complex needs to make money, politicians need to gain political capital and real kickbacks, the country? What is the country? The country is their ATM, their chessboard, their bargaining chip in deals with others. If the country is gone... then it's gone. They can build another one, or like now, divide it into several pieces, which might be more convenient for them to manage and easier for bloodsucking."
He leaned back in his chair, staring at the glaringly bright sunshine outside, feeling it was so fake it made him nauseous.
"Let those outside still protesting 'governnt incompetence' and 'selling out the country' save their energy."
Wilks said softly, as if speaking to Thomas, as well as himself, "This governnt was sold out long ago. From , no, from even earlier, it has been sold off little by little. Now, it's just moving from the shadows into the open, from the details of contracts to the headlines."
He waved his hand, signaling that Thomas could leave.
Thomas opened his mouth, but in the end, he just bowed slightly and quietly exited the office, gently closing the door.
Wilks sat alone in the large office, the sun still shining brightly, the tea completely cold. He reached out, slowly closing the copy of the "Arican Bird Atlas" stained by tea on his desk.
On the cover, a bald eagle was majestically spreading its wings, its gaze sharp.
He stared at it for a long ti, then picked up the internal phone, "Connect with the remaining officers at the Treasury Departnt and the Departnt of Comrce. Also, have the White House Counsel's Office prepare a report on the 'legal history and potential risks of foreign entities acquiring long-term land use rights and associated rights within the United States.' No rush, I'll need it by next week."
He knew this report was useless, but it was the only thing left he could do to act presidential.
The British actions were like a tsunami.
The news couldn't be contained.
In fact, the "Freedom Alliance" Kentucky authorities and the British side didn't seem to intend to completely hide it. Within a few days, the details were deliberately or unintentionally leaked to so pro-"Freedom Alliance" or pro-British dia outlets.
The "Louisville ssenger," which had moved from the Kentucky State Capital to the relatively safer Louisville for publication, ran a not very prominent but information-packed article below the front page, titled: "A New Breakthrough in Warti Investnt: British Investnts Enter Louisville Port, Boosting Economy and Logistics." The article, in a dry comrcial tone, described the "key points" of the agreent, emphasizing that this would bring "an initial investnt of millions of British Pounds," "hundreds of direct employnt opportunities," and "more efficient Coalition Forces logistics transfer capabilities." As for sensitive terms like "extraterritorial rights," it glossed over with long-winded sentences like "According to the Coalition Forces Status Agreent and local legal frawork, the British side will be responsible for basic order and security within its own area."
But for the commanders of other NATO countries and the capital groups behind them, this report was like a loud slap, and also a clear signal: Damn!
The Brits are already in, what are you all doing?
Everyone panicked at once, it was like queuing up, everyone has sothing to eat, but seeing others eat first, you feel sothing's wrong.
The French acted the fastest.
Scud missile...
No choice, it's historical heritage.
Under the promotion of Durand Colonel and the more direct orders from Paris, French diplomatic and comrcial channels ran at full speed. The target was not Kentucky, which the British already regarded as their sphere of influence, but Tennessee, which also held an important strategic position under the control of the "Freedom Alliance."
Capital, Nashville.
In the state governnt building, the atmosphere was tense and delicate.
The French delegation was no longer purely military, but led by a banker nad Pierre Dupont, wearing an Armani suit, accompanied by two assistants and a legal advisor.
Accompanying was a Lieutenant Colonel from the French Army's Foreign Legion, but his role was more like that of a bodyguard and a symbol, with little input at the negotiation table.
Their goal was the facilities along the Mississippi River at mphis Port, and more importantly, an aluminum extraction and primary slting industry chain located in the eastern part of Tennessee, which, although semi-idle, had relatively intact equipnt. Aluminum is an important strategic tal, indispensable for aircraft manufacturing.
The negotiations were not easy.
So officials in Tennessee still had a national consciousness and were wary of handing over key assets to foreigners.
But the conditions brought by Dupont were too tempting: an instant "leasing prepaynt" priced in stable Swiss Francs, enough to alleviate the looming financial collapse of the state governnt; a promise to restore and upgrade the mines and slting facilities, employ local workers, though the managent and technical core would be French, and a vague but seemingly promising "technical transfer and future cooperation morandum."
More importantly, the French Lieutenant Colonel casually ntioned that a battalion of the Foreign Legion was stationed less than a hundred miles away and was "very willing to conduct joint training with the Tennessee National Guard, share intelligence, to deal with any instability from the western xican-controlled zone or internally."
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