After a joint discussion on "war preparedness" among Mostar City’s high officials, implenting the plan wasn’t difficult. Although this region belongs to the Austria-Hungary Empire, the lower Neretva River valley area has been infiltrated by East Africans.
From the regional governnt to the courts, or customs and military, many East Africans are present in key institutions. East Africa also controls the local economic lifeline. It’s safe to say that those attending the eting were part of the shadow governnt, the second governnt, in the lower Neretva River valley area.
Thus, starting in 1911, with the shadow governnt’s support, East Africa began systematically transporting weapons, food, and other warti supplies to the lower Neretva River valley. anwhile, under Heixinggen’s control in local farms and factories, propaganda and military training for locals was implented.
...
Mostar City Textile Factory.
The head of the publicity departnt, Letaide, was giving a safety lecture to the textile workers. However, today’s topic was different.
Standing before the workers, Letaide said, "Today, we’re not discussing conventional safety issues but how to protect our hos during warti. Europe, especially the Balkan Peninsula where we are, is a global conflict hotspot. Extremist elents frequently conduct terrorist activities here, ranging from sabotage to assassinations, which we must be wary of. Our factory’s employees must certainly resist these ideologies."
"Mr. Letaide. Those extremist factions seem distant from us. We’re just humble workers; how could we possibly encounter such troubles?" a worker skeptically asked.
Letaide replied, "No, the truth is quite the opposite. It concerns our lives and work closely. You haven’t faced such situations mainly because the regional governnt and economy haven’t encountered problems."
"If you frequently follow the news from Bosnia or other regions in the Balkan Peninsula, you would know whether what I’m saying is accurate. It’s not just ethnic extremists but also religious ones."
"Furthermore, our city, Mostar, is a common target of hostility from these forces, such as the religious forces left from the Ottoman Empire or the extre ethnic sentint from the Serbian Kingdom."
"Suppose the Serbian Kingdom ruled Mostar, would you still be able to enjoy the equal social status you have now?"
"Not to ntion, most of your skin color makes it difficult to integrate into Europe, and the behavior of the military in the Balkan Peninsula is notorious; it’s not an exaggeration to say soldiers and bandits are one and the sa. If Mostar, a typical economically developed area in the Balkan Peninsula, becos subjected to exploitation, you’ll just have to endure the hardships you previously faced!"
With just a slight guidance from Letaide, many workers fell into this line of thinking. After all, Mostar is primarily a region of Far East Empire immigrants, culturally and politically disconnected from its surroundings.
While Letaide propagated this hatred towards Serbian extre nationalism and religious extremism to the workers, many other factories did the sa.
anwhile, dia outlets in the lower Neretva River valley began vividly portraying the disasters brought by Bosnian extre nationalism and religious extremism, as well as the disruption of social order.
Apart from ideological guidance, material reserves quietly began. With cooperation from customs personnel, weapons produced by East Africa quietly flowed to rural areas in the lower Neretva River valley.
Unaware of these developnts, Austria-Hungary officials stationed in Mostar failed to detect the accumulation of a formidable military force in this region, ready to erupt when the ti was mature.
...
July 1, 1911.
Rhein City.
"Your Majesty, Crown Prince, this is today’s urgent telegram from Europe. According to intelligence reports, Germany dispatched a warship to Agadir Port today, prompting a fierce reaction from the French governnt."
Recently, Constantine had just returned from the northern sanatorium. The old emperor with white hair inquired of Ernst, "How are Germany and France’s relations lately, and where is Agadir?"
Ernst replied, "Agadir is a port in Morocco. Actually, the last ti, around the end of our first five-year plan, Germany and France had a conflict over the Moroccan issue. This would be the second ti."
"It seems the competition between Germany and France has reached a fever pitch. This ti, the French governnt’s response was extrely intense, with dostic nationalist sentint overwhelmingly supporting war."
These are both new grievances and old ones. Since the Franco-Prussian War, France has always wanted to seek revenge against Germany. The two Moroccan crises have utterly ignited French nationalism.
Considering Morocco’s special position, France has always viewed it as within its sphere of influence, and Germany’s intervention was naturally unacceptable to the French who already controlled Morocco.
Constantine asked, "Could Germany and France go to war?"
Ernst shook his head and said, "The final result can’t be determined. At this point, it depends on whether the top leadership of both countries remains clear-headed. If they truly use this as a trigger, declaring war on each other is quite possible."
After the Second Moroccan Crisis broke out in the previous world, France and Germany even mobilized their armies, almost going to war. So Ernst dared not say whether a European war would erupt early, as even a small change could alter the course of history.
In the current global situation, Ernst believes Europe could erupt into war at any mont, akin to how he felt before World War III during the economic downturn in the previous world.
At present, both the UK and France feel apprehensive about Germany’s industrial developnt. Especially as Germany continues expanding its military, this apprehension intensifies over ti.
Ernst said to Constantine, "In this current environnt, Europe could erupt into large-scale war at any mont. After all, Germany’s industrial and military expansions are hard to halt, and German comrce’s thirst for markets and overseas colonies could plunge the entire continent into the abyss of war at any ti."
Germany’s military expansion can’t be restrained, especially concerning the navy. Germany certainly won’t let those newly built warships sit idle. Such vigorous participation in the naval arms race was, from the start, preparation for war.
And the UK and France clearly can’t offer concessions that satisfy Germany for peace. Considering the German business community’s market demand now, the UK and France can’t et it.
Furthermore, the UK and France won’t yield to Germany. As the World Overlord, the United Kingdom mustn’t show weakness, for if it does, it will be hard to command respect. The UK’s constructed world dominance system would collapse as a result.
France is even more so. French society is currently filled with revenge toward Germany. Now the French people’s morale can’t be compared to that during World War II. At this ti, any politician daring to show weakness to Germany would surely be labeled a "traitor."
The UK and France have their reasons for necessity, and Germany is the sa. Internally, German radicals are equally inflated. Mainly since the mid-last century, Prussia has had smooth sailing, and now Germany is Europe’s most developed region, with strong national pride.
Moreover, as democratic states, the national sentints in European countries easily influence the ruling class. Although these sentints are incited by interest groups, once stirred they can easily backfire. Germany faring slightly better, but William II is too emotional, making this even more dangerous.
The French and British governnts are certainly more influenced. After all, public sentint similarly relates to votes, and the ergence of animosity toward Germany in both nations’ public scenes indicates significant damage to their interest groups caused by Germany.
In short, apart from the UK’s governnt being indecisive for now, the unresolvable conflict between Germany and France might erupt into war at any mont.
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