Although the nobles and officials who participated in the rebellion numbered only around a hundred in total, the actual number of people affected far exceeded this figure, reaching over a thousand.
If one includes the ard forces annihilated during the rebellion, the number of participants was actually even larger. After being tried, all of them would be sent to the South Morocco Colony and Congo Territory in Africa for colonial developnt work.
They would join the local Moroccans and Congolese to beco ordinary mbers of Spanish plantations. To ensure these people would not unite again to cause trouble, the over a thousand individuals would be dispersed across South Morocco and Congo, and strictly supervised.
So areas in South Morocco are barren deserts, and beyond the colonial outposts in the Congo Territory, it is also uninhabited African inland.
In such places, even if they successfully escaped Spanish supervision, they would very likely perish in the wilderness.
This is no joke. Well-equipped and nurous colonial exploration teams can face life-threatening crises if not careful, let alone criminals who might luckily escape from plantations and other supervised areas.
Unless they could find sufficient food, weapons, and dicine, fleeing across the African Continent would be a tornt worse than death.
Carlo did not pay much attention to the fate of these traitorous nobles and officials, but was considering whether to reestablish the Spanish Parliant.
Although Carlo had dissolved the parliant on the grounds of its poor performance and the election of an acting pri minister violating the constitution, the Spanish Parliant had by now developed sufficient influence.
Unless the political parties could be further dissolved, the parliant would eventually have to be reestablished.
Carlo did not intend to establish a despotic dictatorship; reasonably utilizing the parliant also had great benefits.
However, the current Spanish Parliant’s power was too vast and needed certain restrictions, along with reorganizing the Spanish Parliant and anding the constitution, to form a more reasonable Spanish Kingdom Governnt.
On November 17, 1875, Carlo convened a eting of the Spanish Senate and announced the decision to rge the Royal Council and the Senate to establish the Royal Senate.
The newly established Royal Senate instantly beca a massive institution with over a hundred senators, also becoming the only existing parliantary institution in Spain at present.
Imdiately after, Carlo convened a Royal Senate eting for an open vote on whether to restore the House of Representatives and hold new elections for mbers of parliant.
The final Senate vote result was in favor of restoring the House of Representatives, which also put the reestablishnt of the Spanish Parliant on the agenda.
On November 19, 1875, Carlo announced the reestablishnt of the Spanish House of Representatives, with new elections for its mbers to be held from December to January.
Unlike the previous House of Representatives, the reestablished one would have a full 298 seats, to be allocated proportionally to the Spanish regions and colonies.
Take Spain’s capital Madrid as an example: Madrid currently has a population exceeding 500,000 and will obtain 8 seats in the House of Representatives.
These eight House of Representatives seats will be openly elected in the Madrid Council, where council mbers are eligible to nominate other candidates or register to run.
The eight individuals with the highest votes will obtain House of Representatives seats, with a term of three years. If any accident occurs during the term preventing them from serving, the vacant regional council will hold a new election to fill it.
After the House of Representatives seats increase and are all elected by the parliants of the regions and colonies, it can avoid the possibility of a single political party massively controlling House of Representatives seats.
Under such rules, a political party that can still occupy the majority of House of Representatives seats can to so extent prove it enjoys deep support and trust from the public.
Along with the House of Representatives seats, modifications were also made to Spain’s laws on political parties and cabinet governnt elections.
First is regarding Spain’s political parties.
To establish a legal political party in Spain, it must be submitted to the Royal Senate for review and voting, and only after obtaining at least 50% approval votes can it be considered a legal political party.
Otherwise, it is an illegal political party, not allowed to engage in any political activities, nor can its mbers participate in activities such as mber of parliant elections.
The Royal Senate currently consists mostly of nobles as senators, and the nobles obey Carlo’s orders. This also ans that Carlo in current Spain can determine the legality of any political party.
This greatly ensures that Spain will not give birth to large parties like the Republican Party, interfering with Spain’s parliantary elections and governnt elections.
As long as Carlo is unwilling, any newly established parties in the future will be deed illegal. Illegal parties receive no support from the governnt, cannot participate in any political activities, and have very slim chances of expansion.
The legal political parties currently announced by the Spanish Royal Senate are only three: the Progressive Party, the Liberal Party, and the Conservative Party.
These three parties were also Spain’s original top three parties, with a significant gap from others, so it was naturally impossible for Carlo to declare them illegal without reason.
Regarding the election of the Spanish Cabinet Governnt, under the expansion of House of Representatives seats, the election conditions also underwent certain modifications.
Although theoretically the cabinet governnt is ford by the pri minister or the ruling party, currently in the Spanish Cabinet Governnt, a few positions are not appointed by the pri minister, but appointed by King Carlo and elected by the Royal Senate.
The cabinet positions directly appointed by Carlo are the deputy pri minister and the Minister of Royal Affairs.
The official title of Spain’s deputy pri minister is Secretary of State, aning a cabinet minister assisting the pri minister in handling state affairs. The deputy pri minister will play the role of the pri minister when the pri minister cannot handle political affairs, so it is still quite key.
The Minister of Royal Affairs, as the na implies, is the cabinet minister who helps the governnt handle affairs interfacing with the royal family. Because it requires sufficient understanding of royal affairs, this position is also directly appointed by Carlo.
In addition, the Minister of Colonial Affairs and the Minister of Justice are elected by the Senate, and the pri minister and ruling party have no power to replace or nominate them.
The Minister of Defense, as one of the most important positions in the cabinet, was also separately listed by Carlo. Of course, the Minister of Defense is neither directly appointed by Carlo nor elected by the Senate, but appointed by voting within the Spanish Defense Committee.
The mbers composing the Spanish Defense Committee are: the King of Spain, the current Pri Minister of Spain, the current Commander-in-Chief of the Spanish Army, the current Commander-in-Chief of the Spanish Navy, the current Chief of Staff of the Spanish Ministry of Defense Staff Departnt, the current Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guard, and the current Minister of Defense, totaling seven people.
This Spanish Defense Committee of seven people votes to elect the new Minister of Defense of Spain at every cabinet governnt changeover, avoiding the situation where the Minister of Defense might be completely controlled by the pri minister.
For Carlo, such regulations are obviously beneficial to himself. The King of Spain, as the grand marshal of the Spanish Navy and Army, becoming a mber of the Defense Committee is quite normal.
The majority of the remaining mbers of the Defense Committee are also high-level military figures, especially the current Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guard, who completely obeys Carlo.
This also ans that Carlo only needs to win over one person among the marshals of the navy and army, the Minister of Defense, and the Chief of Staff, and it will be hard to lose in the vote for the Minister of Defense candidate. As long as he wins over two, Carlo can have the appointnt power over the Minister of Defense candidate.
Although he cannot directly decide the Minister of Defense candidate, the Spanish pri minister’s power is still very great.
The nine departnts of finance, industry, agriculture, welfare, transport, public security, health, education, and diplomacy remain controlled in the hands of the pri minister, plus the pri minister himself making ten cabinet seats.
The positions not controlled by the pri minister—Secretary of State, Minister of Justice, Minister of Royal Affairs, Minister of Colonial Affairs, and Minister of Defense—add up to only five seats.
But as long as the most important military is kept in his own hands, no matter how the Spanish pri minister candidate changes next, Carlo does not need to worry about a crisis like this occurring again.
Of course, it is also impossible for Spain to produce a power-grasping figure like Pri Minister Primó next. Pri Minister Primó’s monopoly of great power was quite special, because he not only controlled the governnt but also controlled the Spanish Army.
It is precisely because of this that Carlo separately removed the Minister of Defense from the pri minister’s appointnts and handed it to the Defense Committee for election.
Among the six seats in the Defense Committee, Carlo himself has one seat, and the Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guard is another.
Among the remaining four positions of navy and army commanders-in-chief, Minister of Defense, and Chief of Staff, as long as any two are won over, Carlo can control the candidate for Spain’s Minister of Defense.
Controlling the candidate for Minister of Defense also allows unrestrained exertion of his own influence on the army. With the cooperation of the Guard, Carlo, who controls the army, will completely control the entire Spain and make Spain advance in the direction he points.
Although Spain’s parliant will be reestablished, Carlo does not intend to hold new elections for Spain’s Cabinet Governnt.
Continuing to operate with the current Cabinet Governnt is the most appropriate choice, after all, Carlo has considerable right to speak in the current Spanish Cabinet Governnt, and blind changes would be unwise.
The current Spanish cabinet positions are as follows:
Grand Duke Serrano serves as Chief Minister of Spain and concurrently Minister of Defense, nominally the person with the highest status and greatest power in the current Spanish Governnt.
Count Canovas serves as Secretary of State and concurrently Minister of Industry, like Grand Duke Serrano, a high official holding two cabinet seats.
Unlike Grand Duke Serrano, who is nominally pri minister but actually mainly responsible for Ministry of Defense affairs,
Canovas, although only deputy pri minister and Minister of Industry, has actually begun to shoulder the economic developnt of the entire Spain.
After all, Carlo had previously said that Grand Duke Serrano has sufficient status and influence but is not very skilled in economic developnt.
The Minister of Justice and Minister of Colonial Affairs currently have no corresponding candidates; the newly rged Royal Senate has not yet begun elections for these two cabinet seats.
For the Minister of Royal Affairs, Carlo intends to have notti serve. From the African exploration, it is evident that notti is loyal and has certain abilities, and Carlo does not mind promoting him.
The Finance Minister remains Ewald Barthel. Ewald was Pri Minister Primó’s confidant and is indeed very capable in financial managent.
Since the cabinet has not held elections, there is naturally no need to replace a quite capable Finance Minister.
The Minister of Agriculture is served by Jovellar Soler. As a mber of the Conservative Party, Jovellar Soler has gained Carlo’s preliminary trust and so promotion.
The Minister of Welfare is served by Karel Daniel. Karel is also a mber of the Progressive Party, but unlike the quite radical Ruiz, Karel is clearly conservative-leaning.
During his tenure as Minister of Welfare, he has no great achievents but also no major faults; his political achievents can only be considered diocre.
The Minister of Transport was originally served by Ruiz. But Ruiz, elected acting pri minister by parliant, perford extrely poorly during the workers’ parade, and Carlo abolished the then Spanish Cabinet while dissolving the parliant.
Ruiz, who had only been acting pri minister for one day, gloriously beca unemployed and was arrested by the Spanish Army on charges of endangering the nation.
Carlo has no particular fondness for such a relatively radical reforr. If this guy were allowed to grasp power, Spain would probably beco a republic in no ti.
But the lessons of history are sufficient. Spain did beco a republic during this period, but after the republic, it did not an the internal struggles ended; instead, due to struggles between various parties and forces, the republic that lasted several years collapsed spectacularly.
From a God’s-eye view of this republican history of Spain, it began quite hastily and ended quite poorly.
Radical reforrs like Ruiz have not seen the situation in Spain clearly. Current Spain does not need a republic; instead, only as a monarchy country can the nation’s unification and stability be maintained.
The seat of Minister of Transport is currently vacant, but Carlo intends to promote Carlos Montoya, deputy minister of the Transport Departnt.
Carlos has perford quite well in the Transport Departnt, even excellently. If not for Carlos blocking so of Ruiz’s more radical decisions, the Transport Departnt’s results this year might have been greatly discounted.
Having such a capable person familiar with the Transport Departnt take over would effectively reduce work stagnation caused by changes in departnt managers for Spain’s Transport Departnt.
The Minister of Public Security is served by Garcia Herrera. Garcia is a rare independent in the Spanish Cabinet Governnt, but he is also a mber of the Spanish nobility, theoretically more leaning toward the Conservative Party.
The na of the Health Minister is unfamiliar to Carlo, which may also be related to Spain’s rather poor dical environnt.
After all, the dical standards of this era are indeed very poor; Carlo’s attention to dicine is mainly focused on research in drugs and biology, with less attention to the dical Departnt.
The current Health Minister is Javier Hacosen, a figure with considerable reputation in biology and dicine.
The Minister of Education continues to be served by Gerard Wilson. Gerard Wilson has made good achievents in Spain’s literacy education, and Carlo intends to further promote him.
Anyway, Spain’s cabinet ministers have no term limits; as long as they are capable enough, holding a cabinet position for decades is not an exaggeration.
Finally, there is the Foreign Secretary. The Foreign Secretary is also a mber of the nobility and holds the title of marquis. Carlo is not unfamiliar with the Marquis of Everton, because the Marquis of Everton was not only the earliest Spanish noble to express goodwill to Carlo, but also one of the earliest to join the Royal Council.
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